By YOSSI KLEIN HALEVI
Published: February 1, 2011
ISRAELIS want to rejoice over the outbreak of protests in Egypt's city
squares. They want to believe that this is the Arab world's 1989
moment. Perhaps, they say, the poisonous reflex of blaming the Jewish
state for the Middle East's ills will be replaced by an honest self-
assessment.
But few Israelis really believe in that hopeful outcome. Instead, the
grim assumption is that it is just a matter of time before the only
real opposition group in Egypt, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood, takes
power. Israelis fear that Egypt will go the way of Iran or Turkey,
with Islamists gaining control through violence or gradual co-
optation.
Either result would be the end of Israel's most important relationship
in the Arab world. The Muslim Brotherhood has long stated its
opposition to peace with Israel and has pledged to revoke the 1979
Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty if it comes into power. Given the
strengthening of Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas's control of Gaza and the
unraveling of the Turkish-Israeli alliance, an Islamist Egypt could
produce the ultimate Israeli nightmare: living in a country surrounded
by Iran's allies or proxies.
Mohamed ElBaradei, the icon of the Egyptian protesters, and many
Western analysts say that the Egyptian branch of the Brotherhood has
forsworn violence in favor of soup kitchens and medical clinics. Even
if that is true, it is small comfort to Israelis, who fear that the
Brotherhood's nonviolence has been a tactical maneuver and know that
its worldview is rooted in crude anti-Semitism.
The Brotherhood and its offshoots have been the main purveyors of the
Muslim world's widespread conspiracy theories about the Jews, from
blaming the Israeli intelligence service for 9/11 to accusing Zionists
of inventing the Holocaust to blackmail the West.
Others argue that the responsibilities of governance would moderate
the Brotherhood, but here that is dismissed as Western naïveté: the
same prediction, after all, was made about the Iranian regime,
Hezbollah and Hamas.
The fear of an Islamist encirclement has reminded Israelis of their
predicament in the Middle East. In its relationship with the
Palestinians, Israel is Goliath. But in its relationship with the Arab
and Muslim worlds, Israel remains David.
Since its founding, Israel has tried to break through the military and
diplomatic siege imposed by its neighbors. In the absence of
acceptance from the Arab world, it found allies on the periphery of
the Middle East, Iran and Turkey. Peace with Israel's immediate
neighbors would wait.
That doctrine began to be reversed in 1979, when the Israeli-Iranian
alliance collapsed and was in effect replaced by the Egyptian-Israeli
treaty that same year. The removal of Egypt from the anti-Israeli
front left the Arab world without a credible military option; indeed,
the last conventional war fought by Arab nations against Israel was
the 1973 joint Egyptian-Syrian attack on Yom Kippur.
Since then all of Israel's military conflicts — from the first Lebanon
war in 1982 to the Gaza war of 2009 — have been asymmetrical
confrontations against terrorists. While those conflicts have
presented Israel with strategic, diplomatic and moral problems, it no
longer faced an existential threat from the Arab world.
For Israel, then, peace with Egypt has been not only strategically but
also psychologically essential. Israelis understand that the end of
their conflict with the Arab world depends in large part on the
durability of the peace with Egypt — for all its limitations, it is
the only successful model of a land-for-peace agreement.
Above all, though, Israeli optimism has been sustained by the memory
of the improbable partnership between President Anwar el-Sadat of
Egypt and Israel's prime minister, Menachem Begin. Only four years
before flying to Tel Aviv on his peace mission, Sadat had attacked
Israel on its holiest day. Begin, Israel's most hawkish prime minister
until that time, withdrew from the Sinai Peninsula, an area more than
three times the size of Israel.
Though Egypt failed to deliver the normalization in relations Israelis
craved, the thousands of Israeli tourists who have filled the beaches
of the Sinai coast experienced something of the promise of real peace.
At least in one corner of the Arab Middle East, they felt welcomed. A
demilitarized Sinai proved that Israel could forfeit strategic depth
and still feel reasonably secure.
The Sinai boundary is the only one of Israel's borders that hasn't
been fenced off. Israelis now worry that this fragile opening to the
Arab world is about to close.
Yossi Klein Halevi is a fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute and a
contributing editor to The New Republic.
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