Re: The History of MPAC (Muslim Public Affairs Council)

Where Did AIPAC Come From?
by Grant F. Smith
The following is an excerpt from Foreign Agents: The American Israel
Public Affairs Committee From the 1963 Fulbright Hearings to the 2005
Espionage Scandal.

AIPAC was founded by Isaiah L. "Si" Kenen, springing from the American
Zionist Committee for Public Affairs. Kenen registered twice with the
U.S. Department of Justice under the Foreign Agent Registration Act
(FARA) as a foreign agent for Israel.[i] On April 21, 1947 he
registered as an agent of the American Section of the Jewish Agency
for Israel.[ii] Si Kenen also registered at FARA as an agent for the
"Israel Information Services" on October 12, 1948 through May 13, 1951.
[iii] Kenen changed the committee's name from the American Zionist
Committee for Public Affairs to the American Israel Public Affairs
Committee in 1959, to better reflect that it, according to him,
"raised its funds from both Zionists and non-Zionists."[iv] Kenen's
emphasis on a low-key, uncontroversial, and even non-descriptive
organization name continued after his departure when AIPAC spawned a
network of obliquely named political action committees (PACs) across
the United States designed to sway the results of key elections. From
a historical perspective, all of the lessons Kenen learned running the
American Zionist Council with funds and guidance from the Israeli
government are part of AIPAC's "institutional DNA." It is impossible
to understand AIPAC without understanding its precursor, the American
Zionist Council.

Kenen served as AIPAC's executive director and also owned and edited
the influential newsletter, the Near East Report.[v] The Near East
Report is now housed under a separate nonprofit corporate affiliate
structure, for reasons explored later. Kenen was an Ohio newspaperman
until 1943, when he left to become the secretary of the American
Jewish Conference; he remained there until 1948.[vi] He was also the
Jewish Agency's information director between 1947 and 1948 at the
United Nations. This was Israel's first UN delegation after its
formation as a state in 1948. In 1951, Kenen went to Washington to
lobby Congress for aid to Israel, founding the American Zionist
Committee, which later spun off AIPAC. Between 1951 and March 15,
1954, Kenen directed legislative activity in Washington on behalf of
the American Zionist Council. The American Zionist Council
restructured its lobbying activities beginning in early 1954, when the
organization's leaders became uncomfortable using internationally
sourced tax-exempt donations for lobbying on Capitol Hill. Fred
Scribner, a friendly U.S. Undersecretary of Treasury, confidentially
recommended during a 1959 meeting with key Zionist organizations
operating in the U.S. that they needed to restructure themselves in
order to avoid problems with the Eisenhower administration, the IRS,
and the U.S. Department of Justice.[vii] According to UCLA scholar
Steven Spiegel, opposition from the president was intense:

"The tension between the Eisenhower administration and Israeli
supporters was so acute that there were rumors (unfounded as it turned
out) that the administration would investigate the American Zionist
Council. Therefore, an independent lobbying group was formed within
the auspices of the American Zionist Committee." [viii]

AIPAC's original internal codename in the American Zionist Committee
was "the Kenen Committee." Its results have been unparalleled in the
history of foreign lobbying. An AIPAC obituary declared that the State
Department strenuously opposed Kenen's earliest lobbying efforts. The
indefatigable Kenen worked members of Congress and obtained initial
approval of $15 million in aid to Israel, despite robust State
Department opposition. This early success set AIPAC's strategy of
seeking aid to Israel not on the basis of merit, presidential
administration prerogative as the maker of foreign policy, or broad
State Department initiatives, but through fake grassroots efforts
financed by foreign funds from Israel to "prime the American pump."
The Israel lobbying campaign for favorable public relations and media
coverage included strategically directed gifts and grants to U.S.
colleges and universities for new Israel-centric "Middle East Studies"
departments and unfettered lobbying with tax-exempt funds recycled
from overseas into the U.S. political system. Activity reports from
this intensive campaign are documented in the first chapter.

By 1973, Kenen was able to claim that he had boosted U.S. aid to
Israel to $1 billion per year. When Kenen retired in 1974, he still
retained his "editor emeritus" title at the Near East Report. The
spirit of AIPAC's hardball and often illegal tactics would continue
long after Kenen left the scene, and the results are staggering. At
the time of Kenen's death in 1988, U.S. aid to Israel exceeded $3
billion a year, the highest amount of U.S. aid given to any country.
[ix]

It is popularly believed that the immense power of the Israel lobby
sprang from broad grassroots commitment by concerned individuals
across America. However, evidence from internal American Zionist
Council and AIPAC documents reveals a different history. Many groups,
including Christian religious organizations now highly active in AIPAC-
directed affairs, were initially indifferent to or even suspicious of
Israeli initiatives. It took millions of dollars of Israeli government
and overseas funds and decades of effort to create the public
relations, lobbying, and political juggernaut that now dominates in
America. However, not all Americans welcomed the formation of Israel's
lobby.

Founder Si Kenen's startup activities proved to be so brazen that they
were put under the microscope of a U.S. Senate committee investigating
the activities of non-diplomatic foreign agents in the United States.
The investigation was originally focused on Latin America, but was
compelled to investigate the Israel lobby being assembled on U.S.
soil. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations dove headlong into
questions about whether the American Zionist Council, AIPAC, the
Jewish Agency and Si Kenen were avoiding Foreign Agents Registration
Act declarations or filing false ones, acting as unlawful conduits to
launder tax-exempt funds, and illegally disseminating Israeli
government propaganda in the United States. This investigation,
conducted by Senator James William Fulbright, provides the first
outside glimpse into the American Zionist Committee, Si Kenen and
AIPAC.

1963: Senator Fulbright Investigates AIPAC

Arkansas Senator James William Fulbright was an internationalist
thought leader in the United States Senate. Fulbright's record as a
Southern Democrat encompassed staunch multilateralist support for the
creation of the United Nations and opposition to Joseph McCarthy's
communist witch hunt. Senator McCarthy repeatedly slandered Fulbright
with the moniker "Senator Half-bright." Though eminently qualified,
Fulbright was ultimately denied consideration for the position of U.S.
Secretary of State because of his uncompromising approach to dealing
with Israel.

A notable blemish on Fulbright's legacy was his strong support for
racial segregation, but the senator is perhaps most remembered among
scholarly beneficiaries and American international exchange students
for establishing the Fulbright Fellowship scholarship program. Born in
Sumner, Missouri, Fulbright earned a science degree from the
University of Arkansas in 1925, but became more worldly and
appreciative of international education through study at Oxford
University's Pembroke College where he was a Rhodes Scholar.
Fulbright's understanding of U.S. law and foreign agent registration
requirements were anchored in his legal studies; he earned a law
degree from George Washington University Law School in 1934. In the
same year, he was admitted to the Washington, DC bar and became an
attorney in the U.S. Department of Justice anti-trust division. This
legal expertise would serve Fulbright well as he sought to understand
one of the most complex and opaque chains of interlinked nonprofit
corporations ever to be assembled in the United States.

Fulbright was elected to the United States House of Representatives in
1942. He served one term and became a member of the House Foreign
Affairs Committee. The House adopted the 1942 Fulbright Resolution,
which not only supported the concept of international peacekeeping
forces, but also put the United States on track to participate in the
League of Nations, which became the United Nations in 1945. In 1944,
Fulbright rode a wave of increasing national fame to a Senate seat,
and ultimately served five full terms. Fulbright became a member of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1949, and would go on to
become the committee's longest-standing chair, serving from 1959 to
1974.

In 1962, Senator Fulbright became concerned about the activities of
unregistered foreign agents working to influence public opinion and
policy in the United States. His interest was piqued by a pair of
articles authored by journalist Walter Pincus and Douglass Cater.
Their reporting detailed U.S. -backed Dominican Republic dictator
Rafael Trujillo's attempts to use U.S. media for public relations.
They also uncovered the Guatemalan regime's covert purchase of
friendly coverage in the American Mercury, a magazine founded by H.L.
Mencken in 1924.[x]

Fulbright offered Walter Pincus a temporary research assignment
investigating the scope and breadth of the U.S. activities of
unregistered foreign agents. Pincus worked as staff director of the
two-member investigatory subcommittee, bringing on staff counsel
Charles P. Sifton (now a senior federal judge in Brooklyn).[xi] Pincus
duly documented Trujillo's efforts to influence Kennedy administration
sugar policies and other Latin American foreign agency issues through
a series of overseas fact-finding trips. However, the Fulbright
hearings were not at all limited to Latin America. They investigated
ten lobbying groups suggested by Pincus that paralleled his news
reports including China, West Germany, and Ghana.[xii] The
investigators also subpoenaed documents, developed evidence, and
called witnesses from important and highly active Zionist
organizations in the United States that were established and given
seed money by Israeli-government-related entities. Fulbright focused
on the central funding role of the Jewish Agency in Jerusalem and New
York, Israeli government propaganda and ownership of the Jewish
Telegraphic Agency, and funding for publications including the Near
East Report and Israel Digest. The investigation also studied the
conduits and internal financial operations of the American Zionist
Council, Si Kenen, and AIPAC.

Fulbright held these 1963 Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearings
on foreign agents in a series of closed sessions. The May 23 and
August 1 sessions focused entirely on Israel-related operations.
Although subsequent news accounts and books would summarize or
reference the outcome of the hearings, often with errors or omissions,
few ever captured the lengthy, penetrating, and captivating verbal
interchanges between Senator Fulbright and witnesses from the
organizations subpoenaed to testify. A typical reference to the
commission, published in 1970 by a now-defunct Dow Jones weekly
newspaper, the National Observer, neatly summarized the
investigation's outcome:

In 1963 the Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigated the Jewish
Agency and uncovered a "conduit operation run by an organization
called the American Zionist Council. Over an eight-year period, this
council received more than $5,000,000 from the Jewish Agency to create
a favorable public opinion in this country for Israeli government
policies. The Senate investigation closed down the conduit, but the
extensive propaganda activities still go on.[xiii]

Contemporary readers delving into the source material for that article
may be astounded by the frank, businesslike proceedings in the
transcripts, now released from their dank captivity in federal
government archives. Wonderment, confusion, and angst shine through
the brilliant exchanges as Fulbright presents subpoenaed evidence,
analyzes data, and calls for further information, all while grilling
evasive witnesses. Modern-day members of Congress unfamiliar with
Fulbright's dialectic will be astonished to see how government
oversight and subpoena power functioned in an era when the House and
Senate still accommodated leadership capable of challenging issues as
sensitive as the U.S. -Israel relationship. Fulbright and the Foreign
Relations Committee were ready, willing, and able to compel high-
ranking figures within the Israel lobby elite to appear and explain
their foreign lobbying and public relations activities.

Senator Fulbright strove to uncover details about myriad indirect
payments made by the quasi-governmental Jewish Agency to AIPAC founder
Si Kenen and the American Zionist Council. The Jewish Agency was
required to file periodic Foreign Agents Registration Act declarations
with the U.S. Department of Justice. Fulbright uncovered major covert
initiatives designed to influence U.S. policy through media campaigns,
indirectly subsidizing lobbyists such as Si Kenen and promoting
Israeli government initiatives that were not being disclosed in FARA
filings as required by law.

The Jewish Agency: Seed Money From Abroad

The central role of the quasi-governmental Jewish Agency in
establishing and funding initiatives through "conduits" resurfaces
repeatedly in testimony to Fulbright and the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. Witnesses described the Jewish Agency as an independent
organization with national affiliates similar to the International Red
Cross.[xiv] One unknowing conduit of Jewish Agency funds, the
Rabinowitz Foundation described it simply as an agency of the Israeli
government, only to later retract the statement under pressure from
the Jewish Agency's New York legal counsel. In the following select
passages from the May 23, 1960 hearing, witnesses Isadore Hamlin, the
executive director of the Jewish Agency-American Section, and the
Jewish Agency's legal counsel Maurice M. Boukstein of the New York
firm Guzik and Boukstein grapple with Senator Fulbright over the de
facto status of the Jewish Agency. They also attempt to define the
relationship between the Jewish Agency's American subsidiary
incorporated in New York under a broad reorganization in 1960 and the
executive headquarters in Jerusalem. The Jewish Agency established its
first representative office in New York in 1944.[xv] Boukstein, in
later testimony, would take credit for being one of the legal
"architects"[xvi] of the system of interlocking nonprofit corporations
doing end-runs around the clear intent of the Foreign Agents
Registration Act.

Testimony would also reveal a direct connection between the nascent
lobby and a little-known Israeli false-flag terror attack against the
United States in Egypt. One board member of the Jewish Agency
responsible for "colonization" in Israel and financing the startup of
Israel's lobby in America was instrumental in engineering a cover-up
of the terror bombing campaign codenamed "Operation Susannah."

Senator Fulbright: The Jewish Agency-American Section, Inc., is, I
understand, a New York membership corporation organized in 1960?

Mr. Hamlin: It is, sir.

Senator Fulbright: And since 1960 it has been registered under the
Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended, as an agent of
the Executive of the Jewish Agency for Israel in Jerusalem?

Mr. Hamlin: Mr. Chairman, would you just repeat the date when that
filing took place?

Senator Fulbright: 1960.

Mr. Hamlin: 1960: that is correct.

Senator Fulbright: The relationship between the Executive and the
American Section, is this contractual or not?

Mr. Hamlin: The American Section is part of the worldwide body called
the Jewish Agency Executive. The Jewish Agency Executive is composed
of 22 individuals, of which 6 reside in the United States, and so the
American Section is part of the worldwide organization.

Mr. Boukstein: May I be of some assistance, Mr. Chairman?

Senator Fulbright: Yes.

Mr. Boukstein: The Executive, as was stated this morning, the
Executive of the Jewish Agency is in Jerusalem: the American Section
is exactly what it connotes. It is the American Section of the
Executive which resides in the United States and functions for and on
behalf of the Executive in Jerusalem.

Senator Fulbright: I was trying to clarify the record precisely what
the word "Executive" means here. Does it mean the Executive committee
of the Jewish Agency?

Mr. Boukstein: It is – do you want me to answer or the witness?

Senator Fulbright: The witness can answer.

Mr. Hamlin: It is in essence the Executive committee.

Senator Fulbright: Of the Jewish Agency?

Mr. Hamlin: Of the Jewish Agency; that is right.

Senator Fulbright: And it is composed of 22 people?

Mr. Hamlin: Pardon me?

Senator Fulbright: Of 22 people?

Mr. Hamlin: Of 22 individuals; yes sir.

Senator Fulbright: And six of those live in the United States?

Mr. Hamlin: Correct, sir.

Senator Fulbright: So that leaves 16 of them who live in Israel?

Mr. Hamlin: That is right, sir.

Senator Fulbright: Now are there any other members? Is this the whole
body? Is there a board of directors other than the Executive?

Mr. Hamlin: No, sir. That is the governing body of the Jewish Agency,
the total body.

Senator Fulbright: It is a corporation?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes.

Senator Fulbright: Does it have any stockholders?

Mr. Hamlin: No, not to my knowledge.

Senator Fulbright: It is incorporated by a special act of the
Government of Israel, is that correct?

Mr. Hamlin: The Jewish Agency, yes, was recognized by special act of
the Israeli Parliament.

Senator Fulbright: Are any members of the Executive living in Israel
members of the Government?

Mr. Hamlin: Members of our Executive are members of the Government of
Israel? Yes, sir.

Senator Fulbright: Who are they?

Mr. Hamlin: One member of our executive, Mr. Eshkol, is a member of
the Israeli Government.

Senator Fulbright: What is his position in the Israeli Government?

Hamlin: He is the Minister of Finance. But, if I may add, in the
Executive he has competence in one area of work, and that is the area
of colonization.

Mr. Boukstein: If I may add, a member of the Executive, Mr. Shazar,
was the day before yesterday elected the President of Israel, as you
probably noticed in the newspapers.

Senator Fulbright: Does this disqualify him to be a member of the
Executive?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, it would disqualify him.

Senator Fulbright: Could you describe how the Executive – the
relationship between the Executive and the American Section, how does
the Executive, in other words, exercise control, if it does, over the
American Section.

Mr. Hamlin: The American Section is the representative in the United
States of the Jerusalem Agency – did you say exercise control, sir?

Senator Fulbright: If it does; yes. Does it exercise control?

Mr. Hamlin: I would say that in the final analysis there would be a
vote of all 22 members.

Senator Fulbright: Yes.

Mr. Hamlin: On an issue which might bind them.

Senator Fulbright: Yes.

Mr. Hamlin: But if my experience would indicate anything, I would say
that in matters that deal with American affairs, such as we have, the
Jerusalem Executive more or less depends on the opinions of their
members residing in the United States.

Senator Fulbright: Does this organization have a set of bylaws?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes.

Senator Fulbright: Do we have a copy?

Mr. Sifton: We have, again, an uncertified copy and perhaps, formally,
we should have a certified copy.

Mr. Boukstein. Mr. Chairman, we will be glad to furnish it.

Senator Fulbright: He says you will furnish a certified copy of the
bylaws of the Executive.

Mr. Hamlin Yes; we would be glad to, sir.

Mr. Boukstein: He will have to certify it as the secretary.

Mr. Fulbright: Yes; that is correct. That is of the Executive. Now,
you also have a corporation of the American Section. It is
incorporated in this country?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir; New York State.

Senator Fulbright: And you could supply that?

Mr. Boukstein: I think there is a misunderstanding, Mr. Chairman. The
Executive of Jerusalem has no bylaws.

Senator Fulbright: Not in Jerusalem?

Mr. Hamlin: I misunderstood you.

Mr. Boukstein. I though you were referring to the bylaws of the
American Section and those, of course, we will supply you.

Senator Fulbright: What are the basic guidelines for the Executive in
Jerusalem? Under what authority does it operate?

Mr. Hamlin: It is the constitution of the organization.

Senator Fulbright: Does that constitution set out how it should
operate?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes. There is a constitution and there are standing rules
of the organization.

Senator Fulbright: Could we have those then? Those are the equivalent
of the bylaws; that is what I did not know exactly the terminology you
used. But you could make that available?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir; I would be glad to.

Senator Fulbright: Do you execute and prepare the registration? [FARA
registration]

Mr. Boukstein: Mr. Chairman, as I am the expert on the subject, having
acted for the Agency as counsel. The constitution defines the function
of the Executive. There is no document that I am aware of that lays
down the working rules, such as we would in this country refer to as
bylaws of the Executive. They act by resolution.

Senator Fulbright: Well, do they act under majority rule?

Mr. Boukstein. They act under majority rule by resolution.

Senator Fulbright: Do they have subcommittees?

Mr. Boukstein: They have subcommittees which they appoint ad hoc or
sometimes continuing subcommittees, Mr. Chairman. But we shall search
– but I am aware of the existence of no document which would be the
equivalent of rules or bylaws.

Senator Fulbright: Do they have minutes of meetings?

Mr. Boukstein: Yes, they do.

Senator Fulbright: Could you supply us with copies of the minutes of
their meetings since 1960?

Mr. Boukstein: Mr. Chairman, I am not so sure that would be a
pertinent document. The minutes are in Jerusalem. They relate to all
kinds of matters. If you mean excerpts of minutes relating to
activities in the United States, we will be glad to furnish them. But
I don't think that you have any interest in minutes relating to
matters of completely ungermane subjects.

Senator Fulbright: No; we wouldn't request anything ungermane. It was
my understanding from testimony this morning that a very large
percentage of the funds of the Executive derive from this country, is
that correct?

Mr. Boukstein: That is correct.

Senator Fulbright: I will agree that not all of it would be. I was
interested in how this Agency operates. I don't know of any precedent
of anything like it in any other instance, and I thought it would be
interesting to the committee to understand how foreign agents in this
particular field operate and what kind of principals they represent.

Mr. Hamlin: Would you like for us to give you a description of the
departments and operations in Israel, sir?

Senator Fulbright: Well, if you would care to very briefly.

Mr. Hamlin: All right. Do you want it now?

Senator Fulbright: You can do it in writing.

Mr. Hamlin: Yes sir, we can do it in writing, as you wish.

Senator Fulbright: Are you acquainted with an organization known as
the American Zionist Council?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir, I am.

Senator Fulbright: Subsequent to April 1, 1960, did the Jewish Agency-
American Section make payments to the American Zionist Council?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir.

Senator Fulbright: To the best of your knowledge, when did these
payments begin?

Mr. Hamlin: If my memory serves me, I believe in 1961 for the budget
of the Council.

Senator Fulbright: The first of the year, about?

Mr. Hamlin: I would have to look it up.

Senator Fulbright: Would you provide the committee with a record of
such payments as you have made to the American Zionist Council?

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir, we would.

Senator Fulbright: The American Zionist Council.

Mr. Hamlin: Yes, sir.

Senator Fulbright: In general, what were the purposes of these
payments?

Mr. Hamlin: The purposes of these payments were to assist the American
Zionist Council carry out its Zionist educational and youth work, and
its public informational activities.[xvii]

Boukstein's efforts to shield "ungermane" offshore operations from
Senate scrutiny were purposeful. Even with limited sworn testimony,
Fulbright established a direct line of funding flowing from a key
government official and an Israeli-government-founded, quasi-
governmental entity – the Jewish Agency in Israel – to AIPAC's
precursor within several minutes. Fulbright also raised several issues
relevant to the Foreign Agents Registration Act. As the recipient of
U.S. donations as well as funds from other donor countries, the Jewish
Agency passed funds through the American Section to entities across
the United States through the American Zionist Council. Later
testimony and subpoenaed documents reveal that the American Zionist
Council was washing away the appearance of foreign control in order to
finance "policy research" and other public relations activities, as
well as fortifying the position and financial muscle of the nascent
U.S. -based Israel lobby groups so they could some day take over with
no need for further foreign seed or startup funding. Fulbright was
right to be concerned about these Jewish Agency operations, for which
he did not see "precedent of anything like it in any other instance,"
as we detail in the final chapter. Decades after Fulbright's
investigation, the Jewish Agency and its U.S. partners would be found
by Israeli prosecutor Talia Sason to have engaged in laundering $50
billion toward numerous illegal overseas activities.

Although it didn't seem relevant at the time, the Jewish Agency
Executive board member who was also minister of finance in the Israeli
government serves as the most powerful example of why it was never in
America's best interest to have a foreign principal establishing and
empowering a stealth lobby in the United States. The minister referred
to only by last name with "competence in one area of work, the area of
colonization" was Levi Eshkol. At the time of Fulbright's inquiry,
Eshkol was ending his 12-year stint as minister of finance and would
soon become the ruling Mapai Party leader. When Prime Minister Ben-
Gurion resigned in June 1963, Eshkol was elected Mapai party chairman.
He was then appointed Prime Minister of Israel. His previously close
relationship with Ben-Gurion soon turned hostile over a single matter
of burning importance to the United States.

In the summer of 1954, Israel conducted a covert false-flag operation
in Egypt known as "Operation Susannah." Israeli agents launched
terrorist bombing attacks against U.S. -, British-, and Egyptian-owned
targets in Egypt. Since 1950, it had been U.S. policy to pressure the
British to withdraw from the Suez Canal and abandon two treaties: the
Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, which made the canal a neutral zone
under British control, and the Convention of Constantinople. Israel
feared that a British withdrawal would remove a check on Egyptian
president Gamal Abdel Nasser's military ambitions. After Israel's
diplomatic efforts failed to convince the British to stay, Israel
unleashed a false-flag terrorist operation designed to convince the
British to stay while framing the Egyptians. Israeli Defense Minister
Pinhas Lavon was forced to resign because of the incident, and the
scandal came to bear his name. The break between Ben-Gurion and Eshkol
occurred over Ben-Gurion's insistence on fully investigating and
learning lessons from the sordid Lavon Affair. Eshkol was insistent
that investigating the affair was a waste of time, and wished to bury
it as soon as possible. On December 13, 1964, he addressed the issue
to the Mapai Central Committee.

"If I vote in favor of an inquiry into the Lavon Affair…We would be
opening a Pandora's box of troubles. It will not end with this affair
or with this investigation. We'll be spending the next fifteen years
dealing with investigations into various unsolved matters."[xviii]

Levi Eshkol, the Jewish Agency executive overseeing funding for the
establishment of the Israel lobby in the United States, successfully
quashed Ben-Gurion's demand to appoint a judicial inquiry into
Israel's false-flag attack on America when he became prime minister of
Israel.[xix]

[i] William J. Lanouette, The National Journal, May 13, 1978.

[ii] U.S. Department of Justice Foreign Agent Registration Unit Public
Office registration number 208.

[iii] U.S. Department of Justice Foreign Agent Registration Unit
Public Office registration number 543. Recent FARA filings of other
foreign agents reveal that the Israeli consulate was formerly listed
as "Israel Information Service." See page 122 of the 2003 FARA office
report to Congress [.pdf].




[iv] I.L. Kenen, letter to Senator William Fulbright, Senate Foreign
Relations Committee investigation into the Activities of Agents of
Foreign Principals in the United States, page 1,779, letter dated
Sept. 6, 1963.




[v] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, page
1,350, May 23, 1963.




[vi] I.L. Kenen , letter to Senator William Fulbright, Senate Foreign
Relations Committee investigation into the Activities of Agents of
Foreign Principals in the United States, page 1,779, letter dated
Sept. 6, 1963.




[vii] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, page
1,235, May 23, 1963.




[viii] Steven Spiegel, pp. 87-9. The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict.




[ix] Reuters/Chicago Tribune, March 25, 1988.




[x] David Glenn, Columbia Journalism Review, March/April 2006.




[xi] Walter Pincus e-mail to the author, Aug. 9, 2007.




[xii] Walter Pincus e-mail to the author, Aug. 9, 2007.




[xiii]Lawrence Mosher, National Observer (Dow Jones), May 19, 1970.




[xiv] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, page
1,228, May 23, 1963.




[xv] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, pages
1.216-1,217, May 23, 1963.




[xvi] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, page
1,320, May 23, 1963.




[xvii] Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigation into the
Activities of Agents of Foreign Principals in the United States, pages
1,307-1,312, May 23, 1963.




[xviii] Zakai Shalom, pages 31-32, Ben-Gurion's Political Struggles,
1963-1967: a Lion in Winter.


[xix] Page 123, Joan Comay, Lavinia Cohn-Sherbok, Who's Who in Jewish
History.

On Aug 9, 1:28 pm, Travis <baconl...@gmail.com> wrote:
> **
>            New post on *Creeping Sharia*
> <http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/author/creeping/>  The History of MPAC
> (Muslim Public Affairs
> Council)<http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/2012/08/09/the-history-of-mpac-mu...>by
> creeping <http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/author/creeping/>
>
> Get to know the multitude of sharia-promoting, jihad-leveraging,
> anti-freedom Islamic groups that abound in the U.S. (CAIR, ISNA, ICNA, MAS,
> MSA, etc) and educate your friends and elected officials about them. via
> The History of MPAC - Andrew C. McCarthy - National Review Online.
> Established in 1988 by followers of the Muslim Brotherhood and admirers
> [...]
>
> Read more of this
> post<http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/2012/08/09/the-history-of-mpac-mu...>
>  *creeping <http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/author/creeping/>* | August
> 9, 2012 at 11:30 AM | Tags: Barack
> Obama<http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/?tag=barack-obama>,
> cair <http://creepingsharia.wordpress.com/?tag=cair>,
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