.... exactly what similar attack?
---
I can't remember .... regardless, the serbs and albanians have been
killing each other for years.
Examples:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hl9JOChRHKc
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IxB7qSpp1WA&feature=related
For the US to once again stick it's nose in their business and then
take sides is a typical interventionist action.
leave those animals to kill each other ... we're not the World Police
and we owe them nothing
On May 29, 4:13 pm, Mark <
markmka...@gmail.com> wrote:
> Plainol.... exactly what similar attack?? Most villages that were ravaged
> in this manner (by the Milosovic faction) were "mixed" populations full of
> peasants that actually had little or no idea as to what was happening and
> why... Please document that statement... I saw no proof of that whatsoever.
>
> On Tue, May 29, 2012 at 2:51 PM, plainolamerican
> <
plainolameri...@gmail.com>wrote:
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> > They were actually lined up and shot (the
> > majority) and buried in mass graves; which is what made this specially
> > heinous.
> > ---
> > it was revenge for a similar attack.
>
> > choose sides carefully
>
> > On May 29, 12:31 pm, MJ <
micha...@america.net> wrote:
> > > At 02:22 PM 5/28/2012, you wrote:<<Who really remembers the Kosovo war
> > that is, the war as it
> > > unfolded? We were told as many as a hundred-thousand Kosovars were
> > > being exterminated, and yet at war's end we found a few thousand
> > > Serbs and Kosovars in equal number had been murdered.>>
> > > We found a little over 10,000 had been killed... thats slightly more
> > > than a "few thousand". They were actually lined up and shot (the
> > > majority) and buried in mass graves; which is what made this specially
> > > heinous.Kosovo - the site of a genocide that never wasKosovo - the site
> > of a genocide that never was - is now a violent "free market" in drugs and
> > prostitution. What does this tell us about the likely outcome of the Iraq
> > war?John Pilger
> > > 12/13/04 "New Statesman"-- Muted by the evidence of the Anglo-American
> > catastrophe in Iraq, the "humanitarian" war party ought to be called to
> > account for its forgotten crusade in Kosovo, the model for Blair's "onward
> > march of liberation". Just as Iraq is being torn apart by the forces of
> > empire, so was Yugoslavia, the multi-ethnic state that uniquely rejected
> > both sides in the cold war.
> > > Lies as great as those told by Bush and Blair were deployed by Clinton
> > and Blair in their grooming of public opinion for an illegal, unprovoked
> > attack on a European country. Following the same path as the build-up to
> > the invasion of Iraq, the media coverage in the spring of 1999 was a series
> > of fraudulent justifications, beginning with the then US defence secretary
> > William Cohen's claim that "we've now seen about 100,000 military-aged
> > [Albanian] men missing . . . they may have been murdered". David Scheffer,
> > the then US ambassador-at-large for war crimes, announced that as many as
> > "225,000 ethnic Albanian men aged between 14 and 59" may have been killed.
> > Blair invoked the Holocaust and "the spirit of the Second World War". The
> > British press took its cue. "Flight from genocide," wrote the Daily Mail.
> > "Echoes of the Holocaust," chorused the Sun and the Mirror. In parliament,
> > the heroic Clare Short compared to Nazi propagandists those (such as
> > myself) who objected to the bombing of defenceless people.
> > > By June 1999, with the bombardment over, international forensic teams
> > began subjecting Kosovo to minute examination. The American FBI arrived to
> > investigate what was called "the largest crime scene in the FBI's forensic
> > history". Several weeks later, having not found a single mass grave,the FBI
> > went home. The Spanish forensic team also returned home, its leader
> > complaining angrily that he and his colleagues had become part of "a
> > semantic pirouette by the war propaganda machines, because we did not find
> > one - not one - mass grave".
> > > In November 1999, the Wall Street Journal published the results of its
> > own investigation, dismissing "the mass grave obsession". Instead of "the
> > huge killing fields some investigators were led to expect . . . the pattern
> > is of scattered killings [mostly] in areas where the separatist Kosovo
> > Liberation Army has been active". The Journal concluded that Nato stepped
> > up its claims about Serbian killing fields when it "saw a fatigued press
> > corps drifting toward the contrary story: civilians killed by Nato's bombs
> > . . . The war in Kosovo was cruel, bitter, savage. Genocide it wasn't."
> > > One year later, the International War Crimes Tribunal, a body in effect
> > set up by Nato, announced that the final count of bodies found in Kosovo's
> > "mass graves" was 2,788. This included combatants on both sides and Serbs
> > and Roma murdered by the Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army. Like Iraq's
> > fabled weapons of mass destruction, the figures used by the US and British
> > governments and echoed by journalists were inventions -- along with Serbian
> > "rape camps" and Clinton's and Blair's claims that Nato never deliberately
> > bombed civilians.
> > > Code-named "Stage Three", Nato's civilian targets included public
> > transport, hospitals, schools, museums, churches. "It was common knowledge
> > that Nato went to Stage Three [after a couple of weeks]," said James
> > Bissett, the Canadian ambassador in Belgrade during the attack. "Otherwise,
> > they would not have been bombing bridges on Sunday afternoons, and market
> > places."
> > > Nato's clients were the Kosovo Liberation Army. Seven years earlier, the
> > State Department had designated the KLA as a terrorist organisation in
> > league with al-Qaeda. In 1999, KLA thugs were feted; Robin Cook, then
> > foreign secretary, allowed them to call him on his mobile phone. "The
> > Kosovar Albanians played us like a Stradivarius violin," wrote the former
> > UN commander in Bosnia, Major General Lewis MacKenzie, last April. "We have
> > subsidised and indirectly supported their violent campaign for an
> > ethnically pure Kosovo. We have never blamed them for being the
> > perpetrators of the violence in the early 1990s, and we continue to portray
> > them as the designated victim today, in spite of evidence to the contrary."
> > > The trigger for the bombing of Yugoslavia was, according to Nato, the
> > failure of the Serbian delegation to sign up to the Rambouillet peace
> > conference. What went mostly unreported was that the Rambouillet accord had
> > a secret Annex B, which Madeleine Albright's delegation had inserted on the
> > last day. This demanded the military occupation of the whole of Yugoslavia,
> > a country with bitter memories of the Nazi occupation. As the Foreign
> > Office minister Lord Gilbert later conceded to a Commons defence select
> > committee, Annex B was planted deliberately to provoke rejection.
> > > Equally revealing was a chapter dealing exclusively with the Kosovan
> > economy. This called for a "free-market economy" and the privatisation of
> > all government assets. As the Balkans writer Neil Clark has pointed out:
> > "The rump Yugoslavia . . . was the last economy in central-southern Europe
> > to be uncolonised by western capital. 'Socially owned enterprises', the
> > form of worker self-management pioneered under Tito, still predominated.
> > Yugoslavia had publicly owned petroleum, mining, car and tobacco industries
> > . . ."
> > > At the Davos summit of neoliberal chieftains in 1999, Blair berated
> > Belgrade, not for its handling of Kosovo, but for its failure to embrace
> > "economic reform" fully. In the bombing campaign that followed, it was
> > state-owned companies, rather than military sites, that were targeted.
> > Nato's destruction of only 14 Yugoslav army tanks compares with its bombing
> > of 372 centres of industry, including the Zastava car factory. "Not one
> > foreign or privately owned factory was bombed," wrote Clark.
> > > Erected on the foundation of this huge lie, Kosovo today is a violent,
> > criminalised, UN-administered "free market" in drugs and prostitution;
> > unemployment is 65 per cent. More than 200,000 Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks,
> > Turks, Croats and Jews have been ethnically cleansed by the KLA, with Nato
> > forces standing by. KLA hit squads have burned, looted or demolished 85
> > Orthodox churches and monasteries, according to the UN. The courts are
> > venal. "You shot an 89-year-old Serb grandmother?" mocked a UN narcotics
> > officer. "Good for you. Get out of jail."
> > > Although Security Council Resolution 1244 recognises Kosovo as an
> > integral part of Yugoslavia, multinational companies are being offered ten-
> > and 15-year leases of the province's local industries and resources,
> > including the vast Trepca mines, some of the richest mineral deposits in
> > the world. Overseeing this plundered, now almost ethnically pure "future
> > democracy" (Blair), are 4,000 American troops at Camp Bondsteel, a 775-acre
> > permanent-base imperial presence.
> > > Meanwhile, the show trial of Slobodan Milosevic proceeds as farce.
> > Milosevic was a brute; he was also a banker once regarded as the west's man
> > who was prepared to implement "economic reforms" in keeping with IMF, World
> > Bank and European Union demands; to his cost, he refused to surrender
> > sovereignty. The empire expects nothing less.
> >
https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:1ObvBTTqDeUJ:ww...
>
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> --
> *Mark M. Kahle H.*
> *
> *
> *
> *
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